All rights reservedWang, YatongXie, Benhao2023-09-202023-09-202017978-989-99801-3-6 (E-Book)https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14235/654Book of proceedings: Annual AESOP Congress, Spaces of Dialog for Places of Dignity, Lisbon, 11-14th July, 2017China started housing reform in 1992, abolished the welfare housing sharing in 1998, and ushered in real estate boom since then. China started housing reform in 1992, abolished the welfare housing sharing in 1998, and ushered in real estate boom since then. China’s newly started residence area is 166.37 million square meters in 1998, 244.01 million square meters with residence complete achieving 2,139,702 in 2000, and 551.85 million square meters with residence complete achieving 3,682,523 in 2005. Under the state- owned urban land system and the land leasing system, large-scale demolition and construction became a common phenomenon. Taking Shanghai as an example, the quantity of residence expropriation is 386,430 with the area of 14.68 million square meters between 1995 and 1999, 359,545 with the area of 18.68 million square meters between 2000 and 2004, 317,176 with the area of 37.56 million square meters between 2005 and 2009, 138,708 with the area of 9.19 million square meters between 2010 and 2014. This large-scale space production model caused spatial differentiation, which is one of the most important reason for gated community. From 1999 to 2004, 83% communities in Shanghai became gated communities (SONG Mi, 2015). Gated communities ensure the management and operation, while become isolations separated from the urban context. Meanwhile, with the development of technology, and the increase of land prices and housing prices, the residence development intensity showed an increasing trend.EnglishopenAccessThe construction of public space in high intensity gated community: a case study of Zhongyuan two-bends community in ShanghaiconferenceObject871-879